Anti-White Pool Propaganda

by Joakim Andersen

Joakim Andersen argues that public pool posters misrepresent White men as primary perpetrators of harassment to uphold an anti-White ideological narrative under the guise of political correctness.

In connection with mass immigration, sexual harassment and assaults have not infrequently become a problem at public swimming pools. To address this issue, pools and municipalities in several European countries publish posters and images intended to inform the public that this is unacceptable behavior. Based on these images and a basic ideological analysis, a pattern can be identified, one that offers insight into the hegemonic ideology and its accompanying psychology. The perpetrators depicted in these images are typically White men, while the victims are usually non-White. This cannot be explained by coincidence, nor can it be explained by statistics, since White men as a group are underrepresented in such contexts. It is therefore most likely explained as an expression of a specific ideology.

We can refer back to our previous text (editor’s note: It is in Swedish) on the four levels of political correctness (PC) to explore the ideology in question. The first level is the rhetorical or illusory one. Here, public information can be interpreted either from the text’s standpoint, “don’t grope,” or from the images’, “White men grope.” The latter is the more reasonable interpretation given the clear pattern. At the same time, the message is obviously incorrect. White men do grope, to be sure, but other demographics are overrepresented, especially in groups.

We then move to the second level of PC, the political or ideological one. Here, it is more about a command, about the creation and maintenance of an ideological order. There are, of course, low-information voters who absorb the message from public campaigns and conclude that “White men grope.” This might apply to certain pensioners and newly arrived families with children. Here, there is an element of symbolic violence against White men as a group, who are unjustly used in these contexts and in the process see their status slightly diminished. This type of public information should not be viewed in isolation; indeed, whenever sexual crimes are depicted in film or similar media, White men are often used. When criminals are to be portrayed in popular culture, Albanians and Russians are frequently chosen: they are exotic enough and White enough to feel realistic but politically acceptable. At least when we are dealing with antagonists.

Straddling the boundary between the political level and the third, the half-repressed level, we find that the real message in these images is that some groups cannot be criticized in certain contexts. A simple whataboutist experiment confirms this: most people realize that images featuring White victims and non-White perpetrators would trigger accusations of racism and create serious problems for any public communicator who published them. The message, in short, is “shut up” rather than “don’t grope,” and the target audience is the same White men we see on the posters. The public information conveyed here is more about identifying which groups occupy the lowest rung in the politically correct hierarchy.

The fourth level, the fully repressed or inverted one, is also of interest. The message here is more like “everyone knows,” and the three previously mentioned levels are various tools used to avoid being reminded of this and having to confront it. For someone who has adopted an anti-White ideology and enabled mass immigration that has ruined several swimming pools and harmed several women’s lives, it is deeply uncomfortable to face one’s own responsibility. “Everyone knows,” but to protect the hegemonic ideology and the emotional harmony of those who have internalized it, no one is allowed to say anything. The insight into the harsh reality and one’s own culpability must be kept at bay — an insight that would otherwise undermine both the worldview and the self-image it supports (“I am PC-good, other Whites are bad,” and so on).

Delving even deeper into the White PC psyche, we can note that just as feminist theorists have argued that men often view women through the Madonna/whore dichotomy, the “anti-racist” operates with a trichotomy of “victim/noble savage(/rapist).” Moreover, there is an intimate connection between the latter two: the very traits romanticized in the noble savage also enable assaults at swimming pools and elsewhere. It is also likely that there is a normally unconscious level at which the PC psyche not only represses this connection but actively desires it. This is when the spectacle of films, advertisements, news segments, etc., is read as a mythic whole with a clear narrative. It is a narrative driven by the centuries of wrongdoing for which Whites are blamed, and within this mythic logic, the punishments they deserve and will receive are crystal clear. This logic does not operate with “individuals” but with groups, according to the principle of “an eye for an eye.” In short, breaking with the spectacle and the ideology that blames one’s own group for horrific crimes can be quite rational, especially since those accusations tend to be both targeted/selective and inaccurate.

(translated from the original Swedish article)