Trump Has a Plan

by Alexander Dugin

Alexander Dugin emphasizes that Trump’s rejection of liberal globalism and pursuit of American hegemony inadvertently paves the way for a multipolar world of sovereign great powers.

What Trump is doing after coming to power in the U.S. is astonishing. He is rapidly and irreversibly changing the structure of the entire world order. During his first term, Trump hinted at necessary reforms, but four years in office and another four years in radical opposition have turned him into a convinced bearer of a very specific ideology. As evidenced by the first two weeks of his presidency, Trump intends to implement this ideology at all costs.

What is this ideology?

First and foremost, we must establish its main and defining characteristic: Trump is a convinced and consistent opponent of globalism and liberalism at all levels, in all spheres, and in every sense.

Trump opposes globalism because he rejects any supranational institutions (the UN, WHO, EU, and so on) and, like classical realists, believes that the supreme authority is the sovereign nation-state, above which there is nothing and no one. This is precisely the meaning of his slogan “Make America Great Again” (MAGA). According to this idea, the U.S. is primarily a great power that must act on the global stage as a full-fledged subject, concerned only with achieving its own goals and defending its values and interests. Trump’s ideology rejects any hint of internationalism or rhetoric about “universal human values,” “world democracy,” “human rights,” and the like. The absolute imperative is America and its prosperity. Those who agree with this project are friends or allies; those who oppose it are enemies. The U.S. has no goals other than its own prosperity, and no authority has the right to dictate to Americans what to do, how to act, what to believe in, or what to worship.

Globalism is based on the opposite logic: it posits that the role of the U.S. is to be a bastion, defender, and sponsor of liberal democracy, serving supranational interests and an ultra-liberal ideology, even at the expense of its own interests or through self-repudiation. Globalists think in terms of humanity, while Trump thinks in terms of America. This reflects fundamental contradictions in international relations theory between realists (like Trump) and liberals (like Biden, Obama, Clinton, and even Republican George W. Bush).

Trump’s ideology fundamentally contradicts the geopolitical and ideological direction that has dominated the U.S. since the 1980s. This direction, rooted in liberal progressivism, promotes the idea that the individual should be continuously liberated from social ties and obligations, even severing ties with biological sex and human nature itself (hence the themes of cyborgs and posthumanism). In global politics, this meant a gradual transition from nation-states to a unified world under a global government, with parallel erosion of sovereignties (similar to the modern EU model).

Trump rejected both liberal ideology and the geopolitics of globalism — firmly and decisively. He began reshaping global reality with tremendous energy, drastically altering almost everything within his first two weeks in office.

It is clear what kind of world Trump rejected and is currently dismantling — the world envisioned and built by globalists. Its parameters and methods are well understood, as is the logical outcome it sought to achieve. But Trump interrupted this trajectory, making his actions largely irreversible.

Now, let us try to understand the world Trump is attempting to build in its place.

One tempting way to describe it would be as a multipolar world — a world of civilizations without a single dominant ideological or geopolitical force. This vision aligns with the ambitions of other major civilizations, such as China, India, the Islamic world, Africa, and Latin America, which have united in the BRICS coalition. Although Trump’s reforms could objectively lead to this outcome, he does not seem to see things from this perspective. He is unlikely to consciously embrace multipolarity, though some of his supporters, like Marco Rubio, have openly acknowledged it as an emerging reality.

Trump views the new world order as a final break with both the Yalta system and the unipolar moment of globalism. This explains his efforts to dismantle international institutions associated with the past eighty years, including the UN, WHO, USAID, and even NATO. Trump envisions the U.S. as a new empire, likening himself to Augustus, who abolished the decaying republic. His ambitions for Greenland, Canada, the Panama Canal, and even Mexico reflect this imperial vision.

For Trump, the U.S. is a great power, the embodiment of humanity’s dreams, but one focused inward — shining on a hill as an attractive ideal. All nations admire and fear it. No one dares challenge it, and it owes nothing to anyone. It is not a universal donor but a global subject. The U.S. does not replace humanity but represents its best and chosen part — the most efficient, successful, wealthy, free, and prosperous society on the planet. To become part of it requires effort.

This is why Trump despises illegal immigrants. The U.S. is not a revolving door for lazy and unskilled masses seeking welfare while despising traditional values. Being an American is a privilege and a mark of distinction. Others may admire or curse the U.S. from afar, but it does not matter. Those who challenge it will face the full might of its military.

Trump is not advocating Western hegemony but direct American national hegemony. His vision does not accept multipolarity — it proposes a new unipolar world built on radically different premises than those of liberals and globalists.

In the U.S., this means dismantling the globalist liberal elites, likely through a harsh purge. Having faced persecution, harassment, and even assassination attempts, Trump knows that the scope of his reforms leaves no room for error. He strikes first and, when necessary, systematically eliminates his domestic enemies — a process he has already begun and will not stop.

Regarding Europe, Trump likely harbors extremely negative feelings. Elon Musk, his close ally, recently coined the slogan “Make Europe Great Again” (MEGA), implying the overthrow of Euro-globalist elites and the rise of right-wing populists, or Euro-Trumpists. However, Trump himself likely does not believe in a “great Europe,” which would compete with the U.S. Moreover, as long as the EU remains under the control of globalist liberal networks that Trump is uprooting domestically, it is an ideological enemy and geopolitical competitor.

Trump prefers a fragmented Europe of nation-states over a united EU. This creates a dilemma for Euro-Trumpists: they oppose Euro-globalist elites but are also European patriots who want a sovereign and great Europe. To achieve this, they need more than blind loyalty to Trump — they must rely on their own strength or forge complex alliances. This natural progression could lead them towards multipolarity, where there is room for other sovereign powers alongside an American hegemon. Trump’s message is clear: reject the globalist yoke and be like us. Hence, the transition from MAGA to MEGA.

Regarding Russia, Trump recognizes the legitimacy of its opposition to globalism — Russia’s main enemy. However, there will be no concessions of sovereignty. Both Russia and the U.S. assert their empires within a world of great powers beyond globalism.

China faces the greatest challenge under Trump. China has skillfully navigated between globalism and sovereignty, benefiting from both strategies. But Trump intends to cut off China’s ability to continue along this path, viewing it as the primary competitor to American hegemony.

The Middle East presents a second challenge for Trump. Unlike most American realists (John Mearsheimer, Jeffrey Sachs), Trump adopts a pro-Israel stance, seeing Israel as a miniature version of the U.S. and Netanyahu as his alter ego. Trump’s enemies include Iran, the Shiite world, and Palestinian resistance.

India, on the other hand, is seen as a potential ally due to its rivalry with China and its shared values of right-wing politics and sovereignty under Modi. The slogan “Make India Great Again” (MIGA) suits Trump’s vision perfectly.

Latin America irritates Trump due to issues like illegal migration, drug cartels, and crime, which threaten the WASP identity of America. But with globalists weakened, Latin America may also strive for greatness despite Trump’s resistance.

Finally, Africa. Trump opposes land seizures from White farmers in South Africa, but African nations may still pursue their vision of greatness.

In the end, Trump’s post-liberal world order objectively aligns with multipolarity. By proclaiming the course for a great U.S., he inadvertently opens the door for other great powers — Russia, China, India, Europe, and even the Islamic world, Latin America, and Africa. While Trump may aim for a renewed American hegemony, his actions accelerate the establishment of a multipolar world.

BRICS irritates him, but his push for cryptocurrency detaches global finance from dollar dominance. His model directly opposes liberal globalism, symbolizing the dawn of an era of great powers. New horizons are emerging after the decline of globalist hegemony.

(Translated from the Russian)

Alexander Dugin’s books can be purchased here.