OUT NOW: White Privilege

by Georges Guiscard

White privilege, systemic racism, cultural appropriation, microaggressions, decolonialism, woke — these are just some of the fashionable concepts that have been flooding the United States and Europe, becoming part of everyday speech and affecting all aspects of life, from advertisements and relationships to higher education and foreign policy. But what is “white privilege”? What system, culture, and aggression lurk behind it? What is the endgame?

Georges Guiscard’s White Privilege is a clear-cut, concise and in-depth study of the ideas and dynamics behind the notion of “white privilege” and the new religion of “wokeism.” Exposing the falsehoods and dead-end resentment behind the hysteria, Guiscard presents a compelling case for reaffirming European heritage and reclaiming civilisational legitimacy.

---

From Chapter VI, “The Anti-White Working Capital”:

The struggle against white privilege is in itself a business. First of all, fighting against white men and their culture helps to maintain an academic ecosystem. The presence of entire legions of student-researchers in largely self-referential and redundant activist fields—black studies, whiteness studies, Chicano studies, gender studies, queer studies, trans studies, disability studies—produces thousands of mediocre sociological papers that no one actually reads. Relying solely on public funding for their survival, they serve as academic veneer for woke political demands.

Éric Fassin, whom we have already mentioned, exemplifies this caste of salaried far-left intellectuals who are paid to spit on white men. A graduate in English who has never defended a doctoral thesis but is nonetheless a lecturer at the Institute of Gender Studies at the University of Geneva, Fassin is a Judith Butler specialist and an avowed intersectional activist with Islamo-leftist tendencies. He notably advocates the idea that discrimination does not even have to be demonstrated, since all oppression is necessarily real if it is felt by the oppressed. In his defence, this idea is widespread among wokeists: indeed, critical race theory embodies the reign of subjectivity. Anyone can be a victim and no proof is required as long as one feels offended. As previously stated, however, this does not apply to the victims of anti-white racism. Éric Fassin should have remained a rather unknown and verbose professor of postmodern philosophy, but the outbreak of racial tensions in the West has allowed him to present himself as an expert on white privilege, which he denounces on both Médiapart and France Culture.

Ridden with the disease of critical race theory, the left-wing activist community also thrives on donations and sometimes even generous public subsidies. Rarely showcasing any profiles that might otherwise legitimately claim high positions, it supports a whole host of professional whiners paid to advance their political ideas. Some even manage to build a real reputation and enjoy the profitability that goes hand in hand with it.

Having started from nothing, African-American Marxist activist Patrisse Cullors was kicked out of her parents’ home at the age of 16 for revealing her queer preferences, before obtaining a degree in philosophy at the age of 29 . Not exactly a brilliant path. Everything, however, changed when she co-founded the Black Lives Matter movement in 2013. She quickly gained fame and found herself propelled into the position of spokesperson for the black community: press reports, television coverage, awards, paid conferences, books, documentaries, partnerships, you name it—a commitment that proved lucrative, since between 2015 and 2020, she purchased no fewer than four large houses, including a $1.4 million villa located in an upscale white neighbourhood. Embarrassing revelations for an Afro-Marxist who immediately denounces racist attacks! Similarly, we are all bound to learn of the turnover of the Traoré family’s victim business in a few years’ time.

In France, it is Rokhaya Diallo that seems to be doing best so far. She was educated in an American school as part of an official US government programme to study diversity and learn its activist methods. Constantly denouncing the systemic racism of both France and the West, this self-declared ‘intersectional and de-colonial feminist’ did nonetheless obtain funding from the European Union and worked for our National Assembly’s LCP channel. Invited everywhere, she has secured her place at RTL, LCI, The Washington Post, and Al Jazeera, a Qatari soft power instrument specialising in blaming whites. She is also a member of the board of directors at the Centre for Intersectional Justice, an NGO funded by George Soros’s Open Society. Even the US Embassy in France promoted her audio show Kiffe ta Race on Twitter, all despite her outspoken support for non-mixity, her criticism of ‘white feminism’ and her exclusion of white women from certain meetings, not to forget her ambiguity regarding radical Islam.

Evidently persecuted, Rohkaya Diallo was nominated in May 2021 by the Gender + Justice Initiative, a research group at the eminent Georgetown University in Washington, to be given a position ‘as a researcher’. Although she will never strive for anything else but the destruction of European civilisation, she is now endorsed by an obscure academic group whose goal is to ensure that Georgetown truly addresses the ‘issues of gender, race, and economic justice’, not to mention ‘sexuality, anti-racism, and social class’. It is all worthy of an anti-fascist tract.

Rokhaya Diallo, however, still remains in France to continue her work: having been granted the title of researcher, which is always prestigious when on a television set, she can continue her propaganda, adorned with an honorary title that grants her words a certain ‘scientific’ and ‘legitimate’ veneer . Less talented at selling themselves are figures such as Lilian Thuram and Audrey Pulvar, who commit one blunder after another while trying to wield the rhetoric of white privilege. Ever close to Anne Hidalgo, Pulvar, who was nominated for the 2021 regional elections by the Socialist Party in Île-de-France, believes that white people could perhaps attend non-mixity meetings as long as they keep quiet. How very kind. In the absence of the slightest subtlety, the mask is quickly removed to reveal plain and simple anti-white racism.

Another iconic figure is that of American ‘diversity consultant’ Robin DiAngelo, who has become a leading figure in the fight against white privilege thanks to her book titled White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk about Racism. The book reiterates an idea that she herself formulated in 2011, but the time was not right back then, it would seem. Published in 2018, the book went on to become a bestseller, bringing her both fame and millions of dollars.

Her discourse draws on her professional experience, which con- sists in giving seminars in companies to help employees ‘work in a diverse environment.’ In practice, this involves explaining to white people that they are racist every single day, ‘24 hours a day’, and often unconsciously—such is the scourge of white privilege. DiAngelo’s role is to help them become aware of this privilege. Her work was even used and offered to Coca-Cola employees as part of ‘diversity trainings’ in which they could learn how to be ‘less white’ and ‘break with white solidarity’.

According to Robin DiAngelo, white people who feel neither racist nor privileged exhibit white fragility, a concept that neutralises any criticism. To be upset, angry, or simply sceptical when accused of racism is alleged to be tantamount to displaying white fragility and therefore one’s white privilege. It’s all a tautology, a circular argument that can only be true when it adopts as its premise the very thing that it seeks to demonstrate: denying one’s white privilege would thus amount to admitting it. The concept has, of course, flourished among woke activists.

DiAngelo goes even further when asserting in her latest book, entitled Nice Racism: How Progressive White People Perpetuate Racial Harm, that even those white people who actually acknowledge their privilege and champion anti-racism are not truly deconstructing their white privilege. They remain paternalistic, implicitly asserting their superiority by pretending to understand the suffering of black people when, in actual fact, their privilege prevents them from doing so. There’s simply no escaping white privilege . Dismantling it takes ‘a lifetime of conscious effort’. In DiAngelo’s eyes, ‘white people need to stop saying “I’m not racist”’, because they are; every single one of them. All one has to do is keep quiet, bow down, and accept all criticisms expressed by non-whites as undeniable truths . . . and, of course, hand over one’s money.

If resentment and the assumption of political power are the main motivations behind the anti-white movement, the lure of profit is not far behind. Indeed, when one looks past the individuals who profit from victimisation, the latter is a potentially lucrative tool for their entire communities. In fact, one of the major demands put forward by African Americans, one that also resonates with Africans living in Europe, is reparations.

There are actually three types of reparations. First, there is moral reparation, meaning repentance. Similar to the white guilt that must burden individuals, repentance extends to white colonising and slave-holding nations. Its goal is to subjugate these countries both diplomatically and politically, trapping them in a position of moral obligation and neutralising any and all criticism in advance.

Next in line is cultural reparation, involving the restitution of art objects and artefacts exhibited in European museums, items that are regarded as stolen. This is the path which Emmanuel Macron has chosen to follow, as some thirty objects were returned, the first of which was, symbolically, a sabre that had belonged to a black Muslim military leader who had fought against colonisation.

Last but not least, the most important type is obviously financial reparation. As descendants of martyred peoples, non-whites would be entitled to compensation in the form of hard cash. As for the amounts being proposed, they are exorbitant. For African-American economist William Darity, a ‘reparations plan should eliminate the racial wealth gap, which was estimated to be an average difference of $840,900 in net worth between Black and white households’! Quite a steal, wouldn’t you say?…

This idea of reparations poses another obvious problem: where does one stop? Can Italy demand reparations and the restitution of artefacts from Napoleon’s France? Or should the descendants of the Gauls consider themselves victims of colonisation and genocide at the hands of Caesar’s armies? As for the Iberian Peninsula and the Balkans, which were conquered and dominated by Muslims for centuries, who are they to submit the invoice to? All peoples have been colonisers and slave-holders, and all have colonised and enslaved others. And yet, only some black people and Islamists are still whining today…

Concessions, compromises, and reparations will not be enough to satisfy an ideology that always demands more. Whether political or racial, the communities brought together by their systematic criticism of the West and its values want neither fairness nor equality. What they strive for instead is power . Beyond the status to be acquired, the money to be earned, and the positions to be claimed lies the space to be occupied. White leftists are the useful idiots of such conquering minorities. The strategy is an obvious one: In the aftermath of the reparations, only domination and subsequent replacement can follow.

---

ORDER NOW: White Privilege, by Georges Guiscard, brought to you by Arktos: